Black History Month serves as a mirror of the current political climate, so in what ways can we modernize it?
It's Black History Month in the UK, and it appears it’s time for a rethink. Over the years, an observance that was initiated as a commemorative event of heritage, traditions and links between Black populations worldwide, has adopted a commercial tone, growing to encompass functions where individuals of African heritage are paid to talk to predominantly white listeners about hidden biases and active solidarity. The demonstrations for racial justice in the 2020s created a surge in the enterprise of showcasing anti-racist commitment. But even that moment has passed. The wave has peaked, leaving a sort of hollowed out legacy of what increasing understanding is for.
The History of Black History Celebration
First commemorated in the US and Canada, Black History Month was created in 1962 as a week dedicated to Negro history by Black scholar Carter G. Woodson with multiple days of celebration and reflection in the February's second week. Black History Month developed from this campaign and was publicly established in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the United States and Canada in winter, but also in the tenth month in the UK, Germany, Ireland and the the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The period has transformed since those days, focusing less on the histories of transatlantic enslavement and struggles for equality, and increasingly on notable African descendants in government, the arts, and social movements, and broadly celebrating the contribution Black people have made to mold society. It is in schools where Black History Month is most regularly observed, with lectures and artistic activities. But the way the month is commemorated is a indication of the contemporary political context. How it progresses is a good lesson in how co-option leads to dismantling: the reshaping of Black History Month has stymied the purpose of it, which is to address structural and organizational discrimination.
A Troubling Time
Hardly anything shows how critical it is to reevaluate Black History Month as much as the specific period in which it occurs this year. In the UK, a revitalized conservative movement in the guise of the Reform party is leading the polls. In the summer we observed the largest far-right rally in the UK's past. Kemi Badenoch, the person of color at the helm of the Conservative party, is a firm opponent of Black Lives Matter, and we are in a position where a elected representative feels emboldened to say that the absence of Caucasian individuals in specific city neighborhoods is a reason for concern. Meanwhile, far-right parties are surging in Europe as a whole.
In the America, a massive attack against inclusion programs and preferential policies has been brought, frequently with success, to the top legal institutions of the country. A effort to scrub African American heritage and experience from the archives is ongoing. One of the former president's initial presidential directives focused on the National Museum of African American History and Culture, and the Smithsonian Institution, alleging that they of a organized and extensive campaign to alter the country's historical narrative” by depicting the United States “as inherently racist”.
Against this backdrop, the month represents how insufficiently it can be effective if it is confined to either routine organizational acknowledgments, or politically neutered celebrations of historical achievements, rather than addressing the situation of the current era. It also demonstrates how its restricted time span means that it is detached from the broader ongoing work that is necessary. A university professor, a prof at University of Greenwich, expressed it perfectly when she expressed apprehension about the temporary “tokenism” of the celebration. “The difficulty with embracing a superficial method”, she wrote, “is that it often means that Black History Month becomes a transient display rather than a catalyst for change.”
Reevaluating, Not Abandoning
Figuring out how to alter, change and broaden initiatives for equal rights and acknowledgment in such times of discouragement and concern is a difficult task. There is a inclination to just discontinue things like Black History Month entirely, assuming they are simply not fit for purpose, or are vestiges of an period that has failed to deliver.
But despite everything, Black History Month, and in fact the complete comprehensive structure and legacy of activism for racial justice – grassroots Black Lives Matter organisations, DEI programs, and indeed, including corporate presentations – constitute an framework that a lot of work has been invested in. It is there not just to decay as the politics moves on (and in fact, regresses), but to be a living breathing thing.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month look like? Firstly, it would be extended beyond a brief observance: something that is distributed throughout the annual calendar (as some institutions are already beginning to do), elements of its material (particularly around prominent figures of color) integrated into academic syllabi. It would also be a time that does not avoid governmental matters, and provides room for individuals, particularly young people, to express their concerns and stories. What value has simple recognition of the history when it fails to address the contemporary truth of extreme conservative demonstrations in the urban areas? Institutions who observe it should not be comforted with the non-confrontational words of “unconscious bias” and sensitivity to subtle slights, but challenged by the risks that impact society if opposition to discrimination is not treated with importance. Briefly stated, Black History Month should be made contemporary, critical, and adaptive. Perhaps an total re-identification is necessary – Contemporary Black History Month.
